ALTHOUGH a prince may rise from a private
station in two ways, neither of which can
be entirely attributed to fortune or genius,
yet it is manifest to me that I must not
be silent on them, although one could be
more copiously treated when I discuss republics.
These methods are when, either by some wicked
or nefarious ways, one ascends to the principality,
or when by the favour of his fellow-citizens
a private person becomes the prince of his
country. And speaking of the first method,
it will be illustrated by two examples- one
ancient, the other modern- and without entering
further into the subject, I consider these
two examples will suffice those who may be
compelled to follow them.
Agathocles, the Sicilian, became King of
Syracuse not only from a private but from
a low and abject position. This man, the
son of a potter, through all the changes
in his fortunes always led an infamous life.
Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies
with so much ability of mind and body that,
having devoted himself to the military profession,
he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of
Syracuse. Being established in that position,
and having deliberately resolved to make
himself prince and to seize by violence,
without obligation to others, that which
had been conceded to him by assent, he came
to an understanding for this purpose with
Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, who, with his
army, was fighting in Sicily. One morning
he assembled the people and senate of Syracuse,
as if he had to discuss with them things
relating to the Republic, and at a given
signal the soldiers killed all the senators
and the richest of the people; these dead,
he seized and held the princedom of that
city without any civil commotion. And although
he was twice routed by the Carthaginians,
and ultimately besieged, yet not only was
he able to defend his city, but leaving part
of his men for its defence, with the others
he attacked Africa, and in a short time raised
the siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians,
reduced to extreme necessity, were compelled
to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving
Sicily to him, had to be content with the
possession of Africa.
Therefore, he who considers the actions and
the genius of this man will see nothing,
or little, which can be attributed to fortune,
inasmuch as he attained pre-eminence, as
is shown above, not by the favour of any
one, but step by step in the military profession,
which steps were gained with a thousand troubles
and perils, and were afterwards boldly held
by him with many hazards and dangers. Yet
it cannot be called talent to slay fellow-citizens,
to deceive friends, to be without faith,
without mercy, without religion; such methods
may gain empire, but not glory. Still, if
the courage of Agathocles in entering into
and extricating himself from dangers be considered,
together with his greatness of mind in enduring
overcoming hardships, it cannot be seen why
he should be esteemed less than the most
notable captain. Nevertheless, his barbarous
cruelty and inhumanity with infinite wickednesses
do not permit him to be celebrated among
the most excellent men. What he achieved
cannot be attributed either to fortune or
to genius.
In our times, during the rule of Alexander
VI, Oliverotto da Fermo, having been left
an orphan many years before, was brought
up by his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani,
and in the early days of his youth sent to
fight under Paolo Vitelli, that, being trained
under his discipline, he might attain some
high position in the military profession.
After Paolo died, he fought under his brother
Vitellozzo, and in a very short time, being
endowed with wit and a vigorous body and
mind, he became the first man in his profession.
But it appearing to him a paltry thing to
serve under others, he resolved, with the
aid of some citizens of Fermo, to whom the
slavery of their country was dearer than
its liberty, and with the help of the Vitelli,
to seize Fermo. So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani
that, having been away from home for many
years, he wished to visit him and his city,
and in some measure to look into his patrimony;
and although he had not laboured to acquire
anything except honour, yet, in order that
the citizens should see he had not spent
his time in vain, he desired to come honourably,
so would be accompanied by one hundred horsemen,
his friends and retainers; and he entreated
Giovanni to arrange that he should be received
honourably by the citizens of Fermo, all
of which would be not only to his honour,
but also to that of Giovanni himself, who
had brought him up.
Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any
attentions due to his nephew, and he caused
him to be honourably received by the Fermans,
and he lodged him in his own house, where,
having passed some days, and having arranged
what was necessary for his wicked designs,
Oliverotto gave a solemn banquet to which
he invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs
of Fermo. When the viands and all the other
entertainments that are usual in such banquets
were finished, Oliverotto artfully began
certain grave discourses, speaking of the
greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare,
and of their enterprises, to which discourse
Giovanni and others answered; but he rose
at once, saying that such matters ought to
be discussed in a more private place, and
he betook himself to a chamber, whither Giovanni
and the rest of the citizens went in after
him. No sooner were they seated than soldiers
issued from secret places and slaughtered
Giovanni and the rest. After these murders
Oliverotto, mounted on horseback, rode up
and down the town and besieged the chief
magistrate in the palace, so that in fear
the people were forced to obey him, and to
form a government, of which he made himself
the prince. He killed all the malcontents
who were able to injure him, and strengthened
himself with new civil and military ordinances,
in such a way that, in the year during which
he held the principality, not only was he
secure in the city of Fermo, but he had become
formidable to all his neighbours. And his
destruction would have been as difficult
as that of Agathocles if he had not allowed
himself to be overreached by Cesare Borgia,
who took him with the Orsini and Vitelli
at Sinigaglia, as was stated above. Thus
one year after he had committed this parricide,
he was strangled, together with Vitellozzo,
whom he had made his leader in valour and
wickedness.
Some may wonder how it can happen that Agathocles,
and his like, after infinite treacheries
and cruelties, should live for long secure
in his country, and defend himself from external
enemies, and never be conspired against by
his own citizens; seeing that many others,
by means of cruelty, have never been able
even in peaceful times to hold the state,
still less in the doubtful times of war.
I believe that this follows from severities
being badly or properly used. Those may be
called properly used, if of evil it is lawful
to speak well, that are applied at one blow
and are necessary to one's security, and
that are not persisted in afterwards unless
they can be turned to the advantage of the
subjects. The badly employed are those which,
notwithstanding they may be few in the commencement,
multiply with time rather than decrease.
Those who practise the first system are able,
by aid of God or man, to mitigate in some
degree their rule, as Agathocles did. It
is impossible for those who follow the other
to maintain themselves.
Hence it is to be remarked that, in seizing
a state, the usurper ought to examine closely
into all those injuries which it is necessary
for him to inflict, and to do them all at
one stroke so as not to have to repeat them
daily; and thus by not unsettling men he
will be able to reassure them, and win them
to himself by benefits. He who does otherwise,
either from timidity or evil advice, is always
compelled to keep the knife in his hand;
neither can he rely on his subjects, nor
can they attach themselves to him, owing
to their continued and repeated wrongs. For
injuries ought to be done all at one time,
so that, being tasted less, they offend less;
benefits ought to be given little by little,
so that the flavour of them may last longer.
And above all things, a prince ought to live
amongst his people in such a way that no
unexpected circumstances, whether of good
or evil, shall make him change; because if
the necessity for this comes in troubled
times, you are too late for harsh measures;
and mild ones will not help you, for they
will be considered as forced from you, and
no one will be under any obligation to you
for them.
第８章 非道によって君主国を獲得した者たちについて
完全に運や才能によるものだとすることのできない二つの方法によって，私人の状態から君主に成り上がることもあるのですが，これについて口をつぐんでおくべきではないのは明かだと思います。とはいえ，そのうち一つについては共和国について論じるさいにもっと詳しくあつかうのですが。この方法には，極悪非道なやり方で君主に登りつめる場合と，同胞市民の好意によってその国の君主になる場合があります。最初の方法について言えば，一つは古代のもう一つは現代の，二つの事例で説明し，この話題にはこれ以上立ち入らないことにします。強いてその真似をしたい人には，この二つの事例で十分だと思います。
シシリア人のアガトクレス[15]は，一私人というだけでなく下層の卑しい身分からシラクサの王となりました。彼は陶工の息子でしたが，その運がどう変ろうと悪評高い生き方を送ったのです。それにもかかわらず，彼の悪業には心身のすぐれた能力が伴なっていたので，軍務に身を投ずると，位階を登りつめて，シラクサの法務官となりました。その地位を確保し，自ら君主になり，これまでは同意によって与えられてきたものを，他人に恩義も感じずに，暴力で奪い取ろうと慎重に決意を固めると，カルタゴ人のハミルカルの合意を取りつけました。このハミルカルは，軍を率いて，シシリアで戦っていたのです。ある朝，彼は，共和国に関わる事柄を討議するかに装って，シラクサの人民と元老院を召集すると，取り決めておいた合図とともに，兵士が元老院議員と人民の中でも最も富裕な人々を全員殺しました。こうした人たちが死ぬと，彼は市民の動揺もなしに，この市の君主の座を奪い取り，居座ったのです。そしてカルタゴ軍によって二度も敗走させられ，ついには包囲されたにもかかわらず，その市を守りぬいたばかりか，兵の一部を守りに当らせ，残りを率いてアフリカを攻撃し，短期のうちにシラクサの包囲を解かせたのです。カルタゴ軍は窮地に陥り，アガトクレスと和睦せざるをえず，シシリアは彼に任せて，アフリカの領有で満足するしかなかったのです。
だから，この人の行動や才能をよく考えてみると，見てきたとおり，彼が傑出したものとなったのは，誰かの好意によってではなく，軍務で一段づつ登りつめたことによってであって，その昇進には幾多の困難と危険を伴い，またその後，大胆にも何度も危険を冒すことによってその地位を守ったのだから，運に帰すべきものは，全くといっていいほど見当たりません。しかし，同胞を殺戮し，友人を欺き，信義も慈悲も信仰もなかったことを，天賦の才ということはできません。こうしたやり方で帝国を得ることはできても，栄光は得られないのです。それでも，危険に飛び込んでは逃がれ出るアガトクレスの勇気を，苦難に耐えながらそれを克服するその精神の偉大さとあわせて，熟考すれば，彼を傑出した武将より劣ると評価する理由は見当たりません。にもかかわらず，彼の野蛮な残虐さと際限のない非道を伴った非人情によって，彼を優れた偉人に列することは認めることができないのです。彼の成し遂げたことは，運にも才能にも帰すことができません。
私たちの時代では，アレクサンデル六世の治下に，オリヴェロット・ダ・フェルモがいますが，彼はずいぶん以前に孤児となり，母方の伯父のジョヴァンニ・フォリアーニに養育されました。そして青年時代の初めには，パオロ・ヴィッテリの指導の下で訓練を積み，その下で戦いにあけくれ，軍務で高い地位を得ようと思ったのでした。パオロの死後には，その弟のヴィッテロッツォの下で戦い，極めて短期のうちに，機転と強健な心身に恵まれていたので，軍の第一人者となったのです。しかし，他人に仕えるのはつまらないことに思えたので，自分の国が隷属するほうが自由でいるよりましだと思うフェルモ市民の支援を得て，またヴィッテリの助力により，フェルモを強奪しようと決心したのです。そこでジョヴァンニ・フォリアーニに，多年にわたり故郷を留守にしたが，伯父とその市を訪問し，家督がどれほどが見ておきたいと，手紙を書き送りました。さらに，苦労してきたのは名誉を手に入れるためだけであったが，市民に無駄に時を送ったのではないことを知ってもらうため，百騎の騎兵と友人，家臣を引き連れて，故郷に錦を飾りたい。そして，ジョヴァンニにはフェルモの市民に丁重に迎えるよう取り計らい願いたい。そうすれば自分の栄誉となるだけでなく，育ての親のジョヴァンニの栄誉ともなるのだから，と書き記したのでした。
それで，ジョヴァンニは甥のために準備万端手抜かりなく整え，フェルモ人に丁重に迎えさせました。オリヴェロットは，自分の家に投宿して，数日を送り，その非道な計画に必要なことが整うと，盛大な宴会を開いて，ジョヴァンニ・フォリアーニやフェルモの指導者たちを招待したのです。ご馳走もそうした宴会につきものの余興が終ると，オリヴェロットは巧みに深刻な話題をしはじめ，教皇アレクサンデルとその息子チェザーレ，ならびにその事業の偉大さについて語り，その話題にジョヴァンニや他の者たちが反論すると，彼はやにわに立ち上がり，こういう事項はもっと私的な場所でするべきだと言って，一室に入っていったので，ジョヴァンニやその他の市民は彼の後に続きました。彼らが席につくや，秘密の場所から兵士は現われて，ジョヴァンニやその他の者を殺戮しました。この殺人の後，オリヴェッテロは馬に乗って，町中を駆けめぐり，主席政務官を宮殿に閉じ込め，それで人々は恐怖のあまり彼に服従せざるをえず，彼を君主とする政府を作るしかなかったのです。彼は自分を傷つけることのできる不満分子をすべて殺し，新しい民事法令や軍事法令で自分を強化し，こうして，彼が君主であった一年間は，彼はフェルモの市で身の安全を確保したばかりか，近隣諸国から恐れられる存在となりました。チェザーレ・ボルジアに出し抜かれたりしなければ，アガトクレスと同様，彼を滅ぼすのは困難でした。チェザーレは，前述の通り，彼をオルシーニ家やヴィッテリとともにシニガリアで捕えたのです。こうして父殺しを犯してから一年後，彼の武勇と非道の師であったヴィッテロッツォとともに，縊り殺されたのです。
アガトクレスやその同類は，数えきれない裏切りと残虐の後，その国で長きにわたってその身を守り，外敵から自分を防衛し，その同胞市民から陰謀を企てられることがなかったのに，他の多くの者たちが，残虐な手段をつかいながら，平時においてすら国を保持できず，戦時の不確かな時代にはまして国を保持できなかったのは，どうして生じるのか不思議に思う人もいることでしょう。私が思うに，残酷さ[16]を誤って使うか，適切に使うかによるのです。悪事に適切という言葉を使うのが妥当だとして，適切に使うというのは，一挙に行なわれ，しかもだれかの身の安全上に必要である場合であって，臣民の利益にならないかぎりは，その後繰り返されることはないという使い方なのです。誤った使い方は，最初はわずかであったにもかかわらず，回を重ねるごとに，おさまるどころかひどくなるような使い方です。最初のやり方を行なった者は，神か人の助けによって，アガトクレスと同じように，ある程度まで自分の支配の苛烈さを和らげることができますが，もう一つのやり方にしたがう者は，自らを保つことができません。
したがって，国家を強奪するにさいしては，強奪者は加える危害が必要なものか綿密に検証し，そうした危害を日常的に繰り返さなくてすむよう，一撃で事を済まさなければならないということに，注意をはらっておくべきです。そうすれば，人々に動揺を与えないことで，彼らを安心させ，恩恵で彼らを味方につけることができるのです。臆病や有害な助言から，そうでないやり方をすれば，いつも剣を握りしめておかなければならなくなり，絶え間なく何度も悪事を繰り返すために，臣民を信頼することも，臣民に慕われることもできません。というのは，危害を加えるのは一挙に済ますべきで，そうすることで，味合うのが少ければ，不快な思いをするのも少くなるのだから。また恩恵は少しづつ与えるべきで，そうすることで，その香気は長く残るでしょうから。
そしてなによりも，良きにつけ悪きにつけ，予期せぬ状況が起こっても変わることのないよう，その人民とともに暮すべきです。なぜなら，騒乱の時代にこうしたことが必要となれば，苛酷な施策をとるには遅すぎるし，寛大な施策も，やむなく出したものと考えられて，役に立たず，そのために，恩義を感じる者はだれもいないのですから。
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