Turning now to the opposite characters of
Commodus, Severus, Antoninus Caracalla, and
Maximinus, you will find them all cruel and
rapacious- men who, to satisfy their soldiers,
did not hesitate to commit every kind of
iniquity against the people; and all, except
Severus, came to a bad end; but in Severus
there was so much valour that, keeping the
soldiers friendly, although the people were
oppressed by him, he reigned successfully;
for his valour made him so much admired in
the sight of the soldiers and people that
the latter were kept in a way astonished
and awed and the former respectful and satisfied.
And because the actions of this man, as a
new prince, were great, I wish to show briefly
that he knew well how to counterfeit the
fox and the lion, which natures, as I said
above, it is necessary for a prince to imitate.
Knowing the sloth of the Emperor Julian,
he persuaded the army in Sclavonia, of which
he was captain, that it would be right to
go to Rome and avenge the death of Pertinax,
who had been killed by the praetorian soldiers;
and under this pretext, without appearing
to aspire to the throne, he moved the army
on Rome, and reached Italy before it was
known that he had started. On his arrival
at Rome, the Senate, through fear, elected
him emperor and killed Julian. After this
there remained for Severus, who wished to
make himself master of the whole empire,
two difficulties; one in Asia, where Niger,
head of the Asiatic army, had caused himself
to be proclaimed emperor; the other in the
west where Albinus was, who also aspired
to the throne. And as he considered it dangerous
to declare himself hostile to both, he decided
to attack Niger and to deceive Albinus. To
the latter he wrote that, being elected emperor
by the Senate, he was willing to share that
dignity with him and sent him the title of
Caesar; and, moreover, that the Senate had
made Albinus his colleague; which things
were accepted by Albinus as true. But after
Severus had conquered and killed Niger, and
settled oriental affairs, he returned to
Rome and complained to the Senate that Albinus,
little recognizing the benefits that he had
received from him, had by treachery sought
to murder him, and for this ingratitude he
was compelled to punish him. Afterwards he
sought him out in France, and took from him
his government and life. He who will, therefore,
carefully examine the actions of this man
will find him a most valiant lion and a most
cunning fox; he will find him feared and
respected by every one, and not hated by
the army; and it need not be wondered at
that he, the new man, well, because his supreme
renown always protected him from that hatred
which the people might have conceived against
him for his violence.
But his son Antoninus was a most eminent
man, and had very excellent qualities, which
made him admirable in the sight of the people
and acceptable to the soldiers, for he was
a warlike man, most enduring of fatigue,
a despiser of all delicate food and other
luxuries, which caused him to be beloved
by the armies. Nevertheless, his ferocity
and cruelties were so great and so unheard
of that, after endless single murders, he
killed a large number of the people of Rome
and all those of Alexandria. He became hated
by the whole world, and also feared by those
he had around him, to such an extent that
he was murdered in the midst of his army
by a centurion. And here it must be noted
that such-like deaths, which are deliberately
inflicted with a resolved and desperate courage,
cannot be avoided by princes, because any
one who does not fear to die can inflict
them; but a prince may fear them the less
because they are very rare; he has only to
be careful not to do any grave injury to
those whom he employs or has around him in
the service of the state. Antoninus had not
taken this care, but had contumeliously killed
a brother of that centurion, whom also he
daily threatened, yet retained in his bodyguard;
which, as it turned out, was a rash thing
to do, and proved the emperor's ruin.
But let us come to Commodus, to whom it should
have been very easy to hold the empire, for,
being the son of Marcus, he had inherited
it, and he had only to follow in the footsteps
of his father to please his people and soldiers;
but, being by nature cruel and brutal, he
gave himself up to amusing the soldiers and
corrupting them, so that he might indulge
his rapacity upon the people; on the other
hand, not maintaining his dignity, often
descending to the theatre to compete with
gladiators, and doing other vile things,
little worthy of the imperial majesty, he
fell into contempt with the soldiers, and
being hated by one party and despised by
the other, he was conspired against and killed.
It remains to discuss the character of Maximinus.
He was a very warlike man, and the armies,
being disgusted with the effeminacy of Alexander,
of whom I have already spoken, killed him
and elected Maximinus to the throne. This
he did not possess for long, for two things
made him hated and despised; the one, his
having kept sheep in Thrace, which brought
him into contempt (it being well known to
all, and considered a great indignity by
every one), and the other, his having at
the accession to his dominions deferred going
to Rome and taking possession of the imperial
seat; he had also gained a reputation for
the utmost ferocity by having, through his
prefects in Rome and elsewhere in the empire,
practised many cruelties, so that the whole
world was moved to anger at the meanness
of his birth and to fear at his barbarity.
First Africa rebelled, then the Senate with
all the people of Rome, and all Italy conspired
against him, to which may be added his own
army: this latter, besieging Aquileia and
meeting with difficulties in taking it, were
disgusted with his cruelties, and fearing
him less when they found so many against
him, murdered him.
I do not wish to discuss Heliogabalus, Macrinus,
or Julian, who, being thoroughly contemptible,
were quickly wiped out; but I will bring
this discourse to a conclusion by saying
that princes in our times have this difficulty
of giving inordinate satisfaction to their
soldiers in a far less degree, because, notwithstanding
one has to give them some indulgence, that
is soon done; none of these princes have
armies that are veterans in the governance
and administration of provinces, as were
the armies of the Roman Empire; and whereas
it was then more necessary to give satisfaction
to the soldiers than to the people, it is
now more necessary to all princes, except
the Turk and the Soldan, to satisfy the people
rather than the soldiers, because the people
are the more powerful.
From the above I have excepted the Turk,
who always keeps round him twelve infantry
and fifteen thousand cavalry on which depend
the security and strength of the kingdom,
and it is necessary that, putting aside every
consideration for the people, he should keep
them his friends. The kingdom of the Soldan
is similar; being entirely in the hands of
soldiers, follows again that, without regard
to the people, he must keep them his friends.
But you must note that the state of the Soldan
is unlike all other principalities, for the
reason that it is like the Christian pontificate,
which cannot be called either an hereditary
or a newly formed principality; because the
sons of the old prince not the heirs, but
he who is elected to that position by those
who have authority, and the sons remain only
noblemen. And this being an ancient custom,
it cannot be called a new principality, because
there are none of those difficulties in it
that are met with in new ones; for although
the prince is new, the constitution of the
state is old, and it is framed so as to receive
him as if he were its hereditary lord.
But returning to the subject of our discourse,
I say that whoever will consider it will
acknowledge that either hatred or contempt
has been fatal to the above-named emperors,
and it will be recognized also how it happened
that, a number of them acting in one way
and a number in another, only one in each
way came to a happy end and the rest to unhappy
ones. Because it would have been useless
and dangerous for Pertinax and Alexander,
being new princes, to imitate Marcus, who
was heir to the principality; and likewise
it would have been utterly destructive to
Caracalla, Commodus, and Maximinus to have
imitated Severus, they not having sufficient
valour to enable them to tread in his footsteps.
Therefore a prince, new to the principality,
cannot imitate the actions of Marcus, nor,
again, is it necessary to follow those of
Severus, but he ought to take from Severus
those parts which are necessary to found
his state, and from Marcus those which are
proper and glorious to keep a state that
may already be stable and firm.
第１９章 軽蔑され憎悪されるのを避けること
次にコモドゥス，セウェルス，アントニヌス・カラカラ，マクシミヌスという正反対の性格の皇帝に話を移しましょう。すると彼らがみな残忍で強欲なことに気がつきます。彼らは兵士を満足させるためには，民衆にたいしてあらゆる種類の不正を働くことに躊躇しませんでした。そしてセウェルスを除けば全員が非業の最期をとげました。しかし，セウェルスにあっては，非常に豪胆で，兵士には親しくし，民衆は抑圧したものの，うまく統治したのです。というのは，彼の豪胆さは兵士の目にも民衆の目にもすばらしいものに映り，民衆は驚愕のまま畏怖し，兵士たちは尊敬し満足していたからです。また，この人物の行動は。新君主としては偉大であったので，彼が狐と獅子の真似方を熟知していたことを簡単に示しておきたいと思います。この性質は，前に述べたように，君主がぜひとも模倣すべきものなのです。
ユリアヌス帝の怠惰を知ると，ローマに進軍し近衛兵に殺されたペルティナクスの死の仇を討とうと，彼が指揮していたスクラヴォニアの軍隊を説き伏せました。この口実のもとに，帝位への野心はみせず，ローマに軍を進め，発進した知らせが届く前にイタリアに入ったのです。ローマに到着すると，元老院は恐怖にかられて，彼を皇帝に選び，ユリアヌスを殺害したのです。その後，全帝国の主人となろうとしていたセウェルスには二つの困難が残っていました。その一つはアジアにあり，アジア方面軍の司令官ニゲルが皇帝を僭称していました。もう一つは西方にあり，アルビヌスも帝位をねらっていたのです。そして両者を同時に敵だと公言するのは危険だと考え，アルビヌスを欺いてニゲルを攻撃しようと決断しました。アルビヌスには，自分が元老院に皇帝に選ばれたが，その地位を彼と分ちたいと思い，カエサルの称号を彼に贈る，その上，元老院は彼を自分と同職に選んだと書き送りました。そしてアルビヌスはこれを真にうけたのです。しかし，セウェルスはニゲルを打ち破り，彼を殺し，東方情勢を収拾すると，ローマに帰還し，アルビヌスは彼から受けた恩義をほとんど顧みることなく，背信して彼を殺害しようとしており，この忘恩にたいして彼を罰せざるをえないと，元老院に訴えたのです。その後，彼はアルビヌスをフランスで探し出すと，彼から政権と生命を奪ったのです。ですから，この人物を注意深く検証すると，彼がもっとも獰猛な獅子であるとともに，もっとも狡賢い狐であることがわかります。彼はだれからも恐れられ尊敬され，軍隊からは憎まれませんでした。そして，彼が新君主としてうまくやれたことを不思議がる必要はありません。なぜなら，彼の暴力によって民衆が抱く憎悪からは，その優れた名声によって守られていたからです。
さて，彼の息子のアントニヌスも非常に傑出した人物で，極めて優れた性格を持っていました。それで，民衆の目にもすばらしいものに見え，兵士たちにも受けがよかったのです。というのも，彼は好戦的な人物で，どんな労苦にも耐え，美食やその他の贅沢を嫌っていたので，軍隊から敬愛されていました。それにもかかわらず，彼の蛮行と残虐さはひどいもので，前代未聞のもので，数えきれないほどの単なる殺人の後，ローマの大多数の民衆とアレキサンドリアの全人口を殺害したのです。彼は世界中から憎まれ，取り巻きの連中からも恐れられ，とうとう軍隊のただ中で百人隊長に殺害されたのでした。ここで留意しておくべきは，固く決意した命懸けの意地をもって慎重に加えられたこうした殺意からは，君主といえども逃れる術はないということです。なぜなら，死を恐れぬ者ならばだれでも，こういう害を加えることができるのですから。しかし，そうしたことは極めてまれだから，君主はそれをさほど恐れる必要はありません。しかし君主は自分が使用したり，国事のために周りに侍らせる者たちには，重大な危害を加えないよう，注意すべきです。アントニヌスはこの注意を怠り，百人隊長の兄弟を傲慢無礼に殺し，この百人隊長を日々脅威にさらしながら，しかも警護兵に加えていたのです。起ったとおり，それは無鉄砲な行いであり，結局は皇帝は破滅することになりました。
次にコモドゥスを見てみると，彼はマルクスの息子で，帝国を相続したのだから，それを維持するのはとても簡単なことでした。彼は父親の足跡をたどって，民衆と兵士を満足させていればよかったのです。しかし生来，残忍で獰猛だったので，軍隊を楽しませ堕落させて，民衆をほしいままに強奪したのです。その一方で，自分の威厳を保つこともなく，しばしば闘技場に降りては，剣闘士たちと闘い，皇帝の尊厳にはそぐわない，その他の破廉恥行為を行ない，兵士から軽蔑されるようになりました。一方からは憎悪され，もう一方からは軽蔑されて，陰謀を図られて，殺害されたのです。
後に残るは，マクシミヌスの性格についてですが，この人は非常に好戦的な人物でした。もうすでに述べた，アレクサンデルの軟弱さに愛想をつかした軍隊が，アレクサンデルを殺害して，マクシミヌスを皇帝に選んだのです。この地位を彼はそう長くは保つことができませんでした。というのは二つの事から彼は憎悪され軽蔑されたからです。一つは，彼がトラキアで羊飼いをしていたことで，それで彼は軽蔑されたのです。(このことは皆によく知られていて，だれからも非常に辱かしいことだと思われたのです。)もう一つは，彼が支配権を得たとき，ローマに行き，皇帝の座につくのに出遅れたことです。それにまた，自分の属州長官にローマやその他帝国各地で残虐行為を行なわせ，それで極めて残忍だという悪評を得たのです。それで全世界が彼の生れの卑賤さに怒り，その野蛮さを恐れるようになりました。まずアフリカが反乱を起し，次に元老院とローマの民衆が背き，全イタリアが彼に陰謀を企て，それに彼の軍隊まで加わりました。彼の軍隊はアキレイアを包囲しながら，それをなかなか落せずにいましたが，彼の残忍さに嫌気がさし，あまりに敵が多いので彼を恐れなくなり，彼を殺害したのです。
ヘリオガバルスやマクリヌス，ユリアヌスについては，論じようとは思いません。彼らは，まるで見下げはてた輩で，たちまち一掃されました。それでは，この論述の結論として，次のように言っておきましょう。当代の君主たちは，その兵士の法外な満足を与えるという困難は，さほどではなくなっています。なぜなら，兵士になにほどかの恩恵を施さなくてはならないにしても，それはすぐに実行できます。こうした君主のだれ一人として，ローマ帝国のように，属州の統治や行政におけるような年季のはいった軍隊など持っていないのですから。それに当時は民衆よりも兵士を満足させることが必要でしたが，現在では，トルコとエジプトを除けば，どの君主にとっても，兵士よりも民衆を満足させることが必要となっているからです。なぜなら，民衆のほうがずっと強力になっているのですから。
上に述べたことからトルコを除きましたが，トルコはいつも十二師団の歩兵隊と十五万騎の騎兵を擁し，王国の安全と強大さはこれに依っています。それで，民衆への配慮を後回しにしても，軍隊を味方につける必要があるのです。エジプト王国も同様です。すべてが兵士の手中にあるため，民衆を無視しても，兵士たちを味方にしなければならないのです。しかしエジプトは他の君主国とは異なっていることに注意すべきです。それはキリスト教の教皇制に似ているので，世襲の君主国とも新興の君主国とも呼ぶことができないのです。なぜなら，老君主の子息が跡継ぎとなるのではなく，権限を持つ人たちに選出された者がその地位につくのです。子息はただ貴族であるにすぎないのです。それに，これは古くからの慣行であって，新興の君主国と呼ぶこともできないのです。なぜなら，新君主が遭遇するような困難は，そこにはなに一つないのですから。というのは，君主は新しくても，国家の体制は古く，それはまるで世襲の君主であるかのように，彼を受入れればよいだけのものに作られているからです。
さて，私たちの論議の主題にたち返ると，それをよく考えてみると，名を挙げた皇帝たちに致命的であったのは，憎悪か軽蔑のいずれかであったことがわかるでしょう。そして，ある人たちはあるやり方で，別の人たちは別のやり方で振舞い，そのうち，どちらか一方だけが幸福に終り，他の者は不幸に終ったということが，どのように生じたかも分ります。なぜなら，ペルティナクスとアレクサンデルは新君主であるから，帝国を世襲したマルクスの真似をするのは無用で危険なことです。同じように，カラカラやコモドゥスやマクシムヌスがセウェルスの真似をするのは，その足跡を辿っていけるほど豪胆ではないのだから，極めて破滅的なのです。ですから，君主国には新参の君主が，マルクスの行動を真似ることはできないし，またセウェルスの行動に従う必要もないのです。しかし，セウェルスからは，国家の基礎を固めるのに必要な部分を得て，マルクスからは，すでに安定し確固とした国家を維持するのに適切ですばらしい方策を得なければなりません。